“Selma, Lord, Selma” by Charles Burnett is a (Girl Power Academy) featured writer-film director recommendation about MLK:

Martin Luther King’s (full transcript with crowd witnessing) follows this movie/Director review.  This was originally posted in a GPA in February 2018 for Black History Month.  Now that Mike Pence has declared Donald Trump to be just like MLK, it’s time to weigh that GOP rhetoric against the proof of the real man.  Did Martin Luther King Jr. punish the poor people, the working man?  Did he create an enemy in order to rule like a dictator?  Did he create fear in order to lead? Is that what MLK did?  How is Trump like MLK?  I ask you to qualify such a claim, if you take Mike Pence’s “word” for it.  Qualify the “christian” principle.  MLK was radically against war.  Trump is attempting to show off how his missiles are bigger than Russia’s and North Korea’s and China’s missiles.  Is that what MLK would do?  Would MLK escalate war and push the dooms day clock to a second before midnight?  Hmmm…. 

Marchers in Harlem showing support for Martin Luther King Jr. in Selma, Alabama

The film recommendation for Selma, Lord, Selma directed by Charles Burnett is about when In 1965, Sheyann (Jurnee Smollett) and Rachel (Stephanie Zandra Peyton), two African-American girls from Selma, Alabama, become active in the Civil Rights Movement after they witness a speech by Martin Luther King Jr. (Clifton Powell). Along with a white seminary student named Jonathan (Mackenzie Astin), the two young girls participate in the famous Selma-to-Montgomery voting rights march, and remain strong even in the face of racism and violence.

film poster for Selma, Lord, Selma
 Music composed by: Stephen James Taylor
Story by: Sheyann Webb, Frank Sikora, Rachel West Nelson
Webb and West Nelson recounted their experiences with the Civil Rights Movement to Frank Sikora, which resulted in the book Selma, Lord, Selma (1980). The book was made into a television movie that aired on January 17, 1999; in the film, Webb was portrayed by actress Jurnee Smollett. Webb also keeps the spirit of the Civil Rights Movement alive by continuing to tell the story of “Bloody Sunday.”
Charles Burnett (writer and film director)

Charles Burnett is a writer-director whose work has received extensive honors. Born in Vicksburg, Mississippi, his family soon moved to the Watts neighborhood of Los Angeles. Burnett studied creative writing at UCLA before entering the University’s graduate film program. His thesis project, Killer of Sheep (1977), won accolades at film festivals and a critical devotion; in 1990, it was among the first titles named to the Library of Congress’ National Film Registry.

European financing allowed Burnett to shoot his second feature, My Brother’s Wedding (1983), but a rushed debut prevented the filmmaker from completing his final cut until 2007.

In 1988, Burnett was awarded the prestigious John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur (“genius grant”) Fellowship and shortly thereafter Burnett became the first African American recipient of the National Society of Film Critics’ best screenplay award, for To Sleep with Anger (1990).

Burnett made the highly acclaimed “Nightjohn” in 1996 for the Disney Channel; his subsequent television works include “Oprah Winfrey Presents: The Wedding” (1998), “Selma, Lord, Selma” (1999), an episode of the seven-part series “Martin Scorsese Presents The Blues” (2003) and “Nat Turner: A Troublesome Property” (2003), which was shown on the PBS series “Independent Lens.”

Burnett has been awarded grants from the Guggenheim Foundation, the Rockefeller Foundation, the National Endowment for the Arts and the J. P. Getty Foundation. In 2011, the Museum of Modern Art showcased his work with a month-long retrospective.

Martin Luther King Jr. Speech (full transcript with crowd witnessing):

Our God is Marching On!

25 March 1965

Montgomery, Ala.

My dear and abiding friends, Ralph Abernathy, and to all of the distinguished Americans seated here on the rostrum, my friends and co-workers of the state of Alabama, and to all of the freedom-loving people who have assembled here this afternoon from all over our nation and from all over the world: Last Sunday, more than eight thousand of us started on a mighty walk from Selma, Alabama. We have walked through desolate valleys and across the trying hills. We have walked on meandering highways and rested our bodies on rocky byways. Some of our faces are burned from the outpourings of the sweltering sun. Some have literally slept in the mud. We have been drenched by the rains. [Audience:] (Speak) Our bodies are tired and our feet are somewhat sore.

But today as I stand before you and think back over that great march, I can say, as Sister Pollard said—a seventy-year-old Negro woman who lived in this community during the bus boycott—and one day, she was asked while walking if she didn’t want to ride. And when she answered, “No,” the person said, “Well, aren’t you tired?” And with her ungrammatical profundity, she said, “My feets is tired, but my soul is rested.” (Yes, sir. All right) And in a real sense this afternoon, we can say that our feet are tired, (Yes, sir) but our souls are rested.

They told us we wouldn’t get here. And there were those who said that we would get here only over their dead bodies, (Well. Yes, sir. Talk) but all the world today knows that we are here and we are standing before the forces of power in the state of Alabama saying, “We ain’t goin’ let nobody turn us around.” (Yes, sir. Speak) [Applause]

Now it is not an accident that one of the great marches of American history should terminate in Montgomery, Alabama. (Yes, sir) Just ten years ago, in this very city, a new philosophy was born of the Negro struggle. Montgomery was the first city in the South in which the entire Negro community united and squarely faced its age-old oppressors. (Yes, sir. Well) Out of this struggle, more than bus [de]segregation was won; a new idea, more powerful than guns or clubs was born. Negroes took it and carried it across the South in epic battles (Yes, sir. Speak) that electrified the nation (Well) and the world.

Yet, strangely, the climactic conflicts always were fought and won on Alabama soil. After Montgomery’s, heroic confrontations loomed up in Mississippi, Arkansas, Georgia, and elsewhere. But not until the colossus of segregation was challenged in Birmingham did the conscience of America begin to bleed. White America was profoundly aroused by Birmingham because it witnessed the whole community of Negroes facing terror and brutality with majestic scorn and heroic courage. And from the wells of this democratic spirit, the nation finally forced Congress (Well) to write legislation (Yes, sir) in the hope that it would eradicate the stain of Birmingham. The Civil Rights Act of 1964 gave Negroes some part of their rightful dignity, (Speak, sir) but without the vote it was dignity without strength. (Yes, sir)

Once more the method of nonviolent resistance (Yes) was unsheathed from its scabbard, and once again an entire community was mobilized to confront the adversary. (Yes, sir) And again the brutality of a dying order shrieks across the land. Yet, Selma, Alabama, became a shining moment in the conscience of man. If the worst in American life lurked in its dark streets, the best of American instincts arose passionately from across the nation to overcome it. (Yes, sir. Speak) There never was a moment in American history (Yes, sir) more honorable and more inspiring than the pilgrimage of clergymen and laymen of every race and faith pouring into Selma to face danger (Yes) at the side of its embattled Negroes.

The confrontation of good and evil compressed in the tiny community of Selma (Speak, speak) generated the massive power (Yes, sir. Yes, sir) to turn the whole nation to a new course. A president born in the South (Well) had the sensitivity to feel the will of the country, (Speak, sir) and in an address that will live in history as one of the most passionate pleas for human rights ever made by a president of our nation, he pledged the might of the federal government to cast off the centuries-old blight. President Johnson rightly praised the courage of the Negro for awakening the conscience of the nation. (Yes, sir)

On our part we must pay our profound respects to the white Americans who cherish their democratic traditions over the ugly customs and privileges of generations and come forth boldly to join hands with us. (Yes, sir) From Montgomery to Birmingham, (Yes, sir) from Birmingham to Selma, (Yes, sir) from Selma back to Montgomery, (Yes) a trail wound in a circle long and often bloody, yet it has become a highway up from darkness. (Yes, sir) Alabama has tried to nurture and defend evil, but evil is choking to death in the dusty roads and streets of this state. (Yes, sir. Speak, sir) So I stand before you this afternoon (Speak, sir. Well) with the conviction that segregation is on its deathbed in Alabama, and the only thing uncertain about it is how costly the segregationists and Wallace will make the funeral. (Go ahead. Yes, sir) [Applause]

Our whole campaign in Alabama has been centered around the right to vote. In focusing the attention of the nation and the world today on the flagrant denial of the right to vote, we are exposing the very origin, the root cause, of racial segregation in the Southland. Racial segregation as a way of life did not come about as a natural result of hatred between the races immediately after the Civil War. There were no laws segregating the races then. And as the noted historian, C. Vann Woodward, in his book, The Strange Career of Jim Crow, clearly points out, the segregation of the races was really a political stratagem employed by the emerging Bourbon interests in the South to keep the southern masses divided and southern labor the cheapest in the land. You see, it was a simple thing to keep the poor white masses working for near-starvation wages in the years that followed the Civil War. Why, if the poor white plantation or mill worker became dissatisfied with his low wages, the plantation or mill owner would merely threaten to fire him and hire former Negro slaves and pay him even less. Thus, the southern wage level was kept almost unbearably low.

Toward the end of the Reconstruction era, something very significant happened. (Listen to him) That is what was known as the Populist Movement. (Speak, sir) The leaders of this movement began awakening the poor white masses (Yes, sir) and the former Negro slaves to the fact that they were being fleeced by the emerging Bourbon interests. Not only that, but they began uniting the Negro and white masses (Yeah) into a voting bloc that threatened to drive the Bourbon interests from the command posts of political power in the South.

To meet this threat, the southern aristocracy began immediately to engineer this development of a segregated society. (Right) I want you to follow me through here because this is very important to see the roots of racism and the denial of the right to vote. Through their control of mass media, they revised the doctrine of white supremacy. They saturated the thinking of the poor white masses with it, (Yes) thus clouding their minds to the real issue involved in the Populist Movement. They then directed the placement on the books of the South of laws that made it a crime for Negroes and whites to come together as equals at any level. (Yes, sir) And that did it. That crippled and eventually destroyed the Populist Movement of the nineteenth century.

If it may be said of the slavery era that the white man took the world and gave the Negro Jesus, then it may be said of the Reconstruction era that the southern aristocracy took the world and gave the poor white man Jim Crow. (Yes, sir) He gave him Jim Crow. (Uh huh) And when his wrinkled stomach cried out for the food that his empty pockets could not provide, (Yes, sir) he ate Jim Crow, a psychological bird that told him that no matter how bad off he was, at least he was a white man, better than the black man. (Right sir) And he ate Jim Crow. (Uh huh) And when his undernourished children cried out for the necessities that his low wages could not provide, he showed them the Jim Crow signs on the buses and in the stores, on the streets and in the public buildings. (Yes, sir) And his children, too, learned to feed upon Jim Crow, (Speak) their last outpost of psychological oblivion. (Yes, sir)

Thus, the threat of the free exercise of the ballot by the Negro and the white masses alike (Uh huh) resulted in the establishment of a segregated society. They segregated southern money from the poor whites; they segregated southern mores from the rich whites; (Yes, sir) they segregated southern churches from Christianity (Yes, sir); they segregated southern minds from honest thinking; (Yes, sir) and they segregated the Negro from everything. (Yes, sir) That’s what happened when the Negro and white masses of the South threatened to unite and build a great society: a society of justice where none would pray upon the weakness of others; a society of plenty where greed and poverty would be done away; a society of brotherhood where every man would respect the dignity and worth of human personality. (Yes, sir)

We’ve come a long way since that travesty of justice was perpetrated upon the American mind. James Weldon Johnson put it eloquently. He said:

We have come over a way

That with tears hath been watered. (Yes, sir)

We have come treading our paths

Through the blood of the slaughtered. (Yes, sir)

Out of the gloomy past, (Yes, sir)

Till now we stand at last

Where the white gleam

Of our bright star is cast. (Speak, sir)

Today I want to tell the city of Selma, (Tell them, Doctor) today I want to say to the state of Alabama, (Yes, sir) today I want to say to the people of America and the nations of the world, that we are not about to turn around. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. (Yes, sir)

Yes, we are on the move and no wave of racism can stop us. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. The burning of our churches will not deter us. (Yes, sir) The bombing of our homes will not dissuade us. (Yes, sir) We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) The beating and killing of our clergymen and young people will not divert us. We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) The wanton release of their known murderers would not discourage us. We are on the move now. (Yes, sir) Like an idea whose time has come, (Yes, sir) not even the marching of mighty armies can halt us. (Yes, sir) We are moving to the land of freedom. (Yes, sir)

Let us therefore continue our triumphant march (Uh huh) to the realization of the American dream. (Yes, sir) Let us march on segregated housing (Yes, sir) until every ghetto or social and economic depression dissolves, and Negroes and whites live side by side in decent, safe, and sanitary housing. (Yes, sir) Let us march on segregated schools (Let us march, Tell it) until every vestige of segregated and inferior education becomes a thing of the past, and Negroes and whites study side-by-side in the socially-healing context of the classroom.

Let us march on poverty (Let us march) until no American parent has to skip a meal so that their children may eat. (Yes, sir) March on poverty (Let us march) until no starved man walks the streets of our cities and towns (Yes, sir) in search of jobs that do not exist. (Yes, sir) Let us march on poverty (Let us march) until wrinkled stomachs in Mississippi are filled, (That’s right) and the idle industries of Appalachia are realized and revitalized, and broken lives in sweltering ghettos are mended and remolded.

Let us march on ballot boxes, (Let’s march) march on ballot boxes until race-baiters disappear from the political arena.

Let us march on ballot boxes until the salient misdeeds of bloodthirsty mobs (Yes, sir) will be transformed into the calculated good deeds of orderly citizens. (Speak, Doctor)

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march) until the Wallaces of our nation tremble away in silence.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march) until we send to our city councils (Yes, sir), state legislatures, (Yes, sir) and the United States Congress, (Yes, sir) men who will not fear to do justly, love mercy, and walk humbly with thy God.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Let us march. March) until brotherhood becomes more than a meaningless word in an opening prayer, but the order of the day on every legislative agenda.

Let us march on ballot boxes (Yes) until all over Alabama God’s children will be able to walk the earth in decency and honor.

There is nothing wrong with marching in this sense. (Yes, sir) The Bible tells us that the mighty men of Joshua merely walked about the walled city of Jericho (Yes) and the barriers to freedom came tumbling down. (Yes, sir) I like that old Negro spiritual, (Yes, sir) “Joshua Fit the Battle of Jericho.” In its simple, yet colorful, depiction (Yes, sir) of that great moment in biblical history, it tells us that:

Joshua fit the battle of Jericho, (Tell it)

Joshua fit the battle of Jericho, (Yes, sir)

And the walls come tumbling down. (Yes, sir. Tell it)

Up to the walls of Jericho they marched, spear in hand. (Yes, sir)

“Go blow them ramhorns,” Joshua cried,

“‘Cause the battle am in my hand.” (Yes, sir)

These words I have given you just as they were given us by the unknown, long-dead, dark-skinned originator. (Yes, sir) Some now long-gone black bard bequeathed to posterity these words in ungrammatical form, (Yes, sir) yet with emphatic pertinence for all of us today. (Uh huh)

The battle is in our hands. And we can answer with creative nonviolence the call to higher ground to which the new directions of our struggle summons us. (Yes, sir) The road ahead is not altogether a smooth one. (No) There are no broad highways that lead us easily and inevitably to quick solutions. But we must keep going.

In the glow of the lamplight on my desk a few nights ago, I gazed again upon the wondrous sign of our times, full of hope and promise of the future. (Uh huh) And I smiled to see in the newspaper photographs of many a decade ago, the faces so bright, so solemn, of our valiant heroes, the people of Montgomery. To this list may be added the names of all those (Yes) who have fought and, yes, died in the nonviolent army of our day: Medgar Evers, (Speak) three civil rights workers in Mississippi last summer, (Uh huh) William Moore, as has already been mentioned, (Yes, sir) the Reverend James Reeb, (Yes, sir) Jimmy Lee Jackson, (Yes, sir) and four little girls in the church of God in Birmingham on Sunday morning. (Yes, sir) But in spite of this, we must go on and be sure that they did not die in vain. (Yes, sir) The pattern of their feet as they walked through Jim Crow barriers in the great stride toward freedom is the thunder of the marching men of Joshua, (Yes, sir) and the world rocks beneath their tread. (Yes, sir)

My people, my people, listen. (Yes, sir) The battle is in our hands. (Yes, sir) The battle is in our hands in Mississippi and Alabama and all over the United States. (Yes, sir) I know there is a cry today in Alabama, (Uh huh) we see it in numerous editorials: “When will Martin Luther King, SCLC, SNCC, and all of these civil rights agitators and all of the white clergymen and labor leaders and students and others get out of our community and let Alabama return to normalcy?”

But I have a message that I would like to leave with Alabama this evening. (Tell it) That is exactly what we don’t want, and we will not allow it to happen, (Yes, sir) for we know that it was normalcy in Marion (Yes, sir) that led to the brutal murder of Jimmy Lee Jackson. (Speak) It was normalcy in Birmingham (Yes) that led to the murder on Sunday morning of four beautiful, unoffending, innocent girls. It was normalcy on Highway 80 (Yes, sir) that led state troopers to use tear gas and horses and billy clubs against unarmed human beings who were simply marching for justice. (Speak, sir) It was normalcy by a cafe in Selma, Alabama, that led to the brutal beating of Reverend James Reeb.

It is normalcy all over our country (Yes, sir) which leaves the Negro perishing on a lonely island of poverty in the midst of vast ocean of material prosperity. It is normalcy all over Alabama (Yeah) that prevents the Negro from becoming a registered voter. (Yes) No, we will not allow Alabama (Go ahead) to return to normalcy. [Applause]

The only normalcy that we will settle for (Yes, sir) is the normalcy that recognizes the dignity and worth of all of God’s children. The only normalcy that we will settle for is the normalcy that allows judgment to run down like waters, and righteousness like a mighty stream. (Yes, sir) The only normalcy that we will settle for is the normalcy of brotherhood, the normalcy of true peace, the normalcy of justice.

And so as we go away this afternoon, let us go away more than ever before committed to this struggle and committed to nonviolence. I must admit to you that there are still some difficult days ahead. We are still in for a season of suffering in many of the black belt counties of Alabama, many areas of Mississippi, many areas of Louisiana. I must admit to you that there are still jail cells waiting for us, and dark and difficult moments. But if we will go on with the faith that nonviolence and its power can transform dark yesterdays into bright tomorrows, we will be able to change all of these conditions.

And so I plead with you this afternoon as we go ahead: remain committed to nonviolence. Our aim must never be to defeat or humiliate the white man, but to win his friendship and understanding. We must come to see that the end we seek is a society at peace with itself, a society that can live with its conscience. And that will be a day not of the white man, not of the black man. That will be the day of man as man. (Yes)

I know you are asking today, “How long will it take?” (Speak, sir) Somebody’s asking, “How long will prejudice blind the visions of men, darken their understanding, and drive bright-eyed wisdom from her sacred throne?” Somebody’s asking, “When will wounded justice, lying prostrate on the streets of Selma and Birmingham and communities all over the South, be lifted from this dust of shame to reign supreme among the children of men?” Somebody’s asking, “When will the radiant star of hope be plunged against the nocturnal bosom of this lonely night, (Speak, speak, speak) plucked from weary souls with chains of fear and the manacles of death? How long will justice be crucified, (Speak) and truth bear it?” (Yes, sir)

I come to say to you this afternoon, however difficult the moment, (Yes, sir) however frustrating the hour, it will not be long, (No sir) because “truth crushed to earth will rise again.” (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (Yes, sir) because “no lie can live forever.” (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (All right. How long) because “you shall reap what you sow.” (Yes, sir)

How long? (How long?) Not long: (Not long)

Truth forever on the scaffold, (Speak)

Wrong forever on the throne, (Yes, sir)

Yet that scaffold sways the future, (Yes, sir)

And, behind the dim unknown,

Standeth God within the shadow,

Keeping watch above his own.

How long? Not long, because the arc of the moral universe is long, but it bends toward justice. (Yes, sir)

How long? Not long, (Not long) because:

Mine eyes have seen the glory of the coming of the Lord; (Yes, sir)

He is trampling out the vintage where the grapes of wrath are stored; (Yes)

He has loosed the fateful lightning of his terrible swift sword; (Yes, sir)

His truth is marching on. (Yes, sir)

He has sounded forth the trumpet that shall never call retreat; (Speak, sir)

He is sifting out the hearts of men before His judgment seat. (That’s right)

O, be swift, my soul, to answer Him! Be jubilant my feet!

Our God is marching on. (Yeah)

Glory, hallelujah! (Yes, sir) Glory, hallelujah! (All right)

Glory, hallelujah! Glory, hallelujah!

His truth is marching on. [Applause]

Dr. Martin Luther King Jr. being arrested in Selma, Alabama by racist cops

Congress Woman ALEXANDRIA OCASIO-CORTEZ is a (Girl Power Academy) featured recommendation:

image of Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez (NY congress woman) 2019.  Illegitimate “president” Trump’s and the culpable GOP’s worst fear and the U.S.A.’s best hope.

ALEXANDRIA OCASIO CORTEZ quote: “The truth of this shutdown is that it’s actually not about a wall, it is not about the border and it is certainly not about the well-being of everyday Americans. The truth is, this shutdown is about the erosion of American democracy and the subversion of our most basic governmental norms.”

The Alexandria Ocasio-Cortez first House Floor speech (C-span video) is being posted here for NO COMMERCIAL PURPOSE.

Tarana Burke’s (Ted Talk) “Me Too is a Movement, Not a Moment” is a (Girl Power Academy) recommendation:

Tarana Burke (creator founder of Me Too Movement)
For more than 25 years, activist and advocate Tarana J. Burke has worked at the intersection of racial justice and sexual violence.

Why you should listen

Tarana Burke‘s passion for community organizing began in the late 1980s, when she joined a youth development organization called 21st Century and led campaigns around issues like racial discrimination, housing inequality and economic justice. Her career took a turn toward supporting survivors of sexual violence upon moving to Selma, Alabama, to work for 21st Century. She encountered dozens of black girls who were sharing stories of sexual violence and abuse, stories she identified with very well. She realized too many girls were suffering through abuse without access to resources, safe spaces and support, so in 2007 she created Justbe Inc., an organization committed to the empowerment and wellness of black girls. The impacts of Justbe Inc. are widespread, as the program, which was adopted by every public school in Selma, has hundreds of alumni who have gone on to thrive and succeed in various ways.

Burke’s role as the senior director at Girls for Gender Equity in Brooklyn, NY, an intergenerational nonprofit dedicated to strengthening local communities by creating opportunities for young women and girls to live self-determined lives, is a continuation of what she considers her life’s work. Since #MeToo, the movement she created more than ten years ago, became a viral hashtag, she has emerged as a global leader in the evolving conversation around sexual violence and the need for survivor-centered solutions. Her theory of using empathy to empower survivors is changing the way the nation and the world think about and engage with survivors. Her belief that healing isn’t a destination but a journey has touched and inspired millions of survivors who previously lived with the pain, shame and trauma of their assaults in isolation. (~Bio sourced from Ted Talk November 2018)

The Tarana Burke (Ted Talk) “Me Too is a Movement, Not a Moment” (video) is being posted here for NO COMMERCIAL PURPOSE.

Ted Talk Transcript:

I’ve been trying to figure out what I was going to say here for months. Because there’s no bigger stage than TED, it felt like getting my message right in this moment was more important than anything. And so I searched and searched for days on end, trying to find the right configuration of words. And although intellectually, I could bullet point the big ideas that I wanted to share about Me Too and this movement that I founded, I kept finding myself falling short of finding the heart. I wanted to pour myself into this momentand tell you why even the possibility of healing or interrupting sexual violence was worth standing and fighting for. I wanted to rally you to your feet with an uplifting speech about the important work of fighting for the dignity and humanity of survivors. But I don’t know if I have it.

The reality is, after soldiering through the Supreme Court nomination process and attacks from the White House, gross mischaracterizations, internet trolls and the rallies and marches and heart-wrenching testimonies, I’m faced with my own hard truth. I’m numb. And I’m not surprised. I’ve traveled all across the world giving talks, and like clockwork, after every event, more than one person approaches me so that they can say their piece in private. And I always tried to reassure them. You know, I’d give them local resources and a soft reassurance that they’re not alone and this is their movement, too. I’d tell them that we’re stronger together and that this is a movement of survivors and advocates doing things big and small every day.

And more and more people are joining this movement every single day. That part is clear. People are putting their bodies on the line and raising their voices to say, “Enough is enough.”

So why do I feel this way? Well … Someone with credible accusations of sexual violence against him was confirmed to the Supreme Court of the United States of America, again. The US President, who was caught on tape talking about how he can grab women’s body parts wherever he wants, however he wants, can call a survivor a liar at one of his rallies, and the crowds will roar. And all across the world, where Me Too has taken off, Australia and France, Sweden, China and now India, survivors of sexual violence are all at once being heard and then vilified. And I’ve read article after article bemoaning …wealthy white men who have landed softly with their golden parachutes, following the disclosure of their terrible behavior. And we’re asked to consider their futures.

But what of survivors? This movement is constantly being called a watershed moment, or even a reckoning, but I wake up some days feeling like all evidence points to the contrary.

It’s hard not to feel numb. I suspect some of you may feel numb, too. But let me tell you what else I know.Sometimes when you hear the word “numb,” you think of a void, an absence of feelings, or even the inability to feel. But that’s not always true. Numbness can come from those memories that creep up in your mind that you can’t fight off in the middle of the night. They can come from the tears that are locked behind your eyes that you won’t give yourself permission to cry. For me, numbness comes from looking in the face of survivors and knowing everything to say but having nothing left to give. It’s measuring the magnitude of this task ahead of you versus your own wavering fortitude. Numbness is not always the absence of feeling. Sometimes it’s an accumulation of feelings. And as survivors, we often have to hold the truth of what we experience. But now, we’re all holding something, whether we want to or not. Our colleagues are speaking up and speaking out, industries across the board are reexamining workplace culture, and families and friends are having hard conversations about closely held truths. Everybody is impacted.

And then, there’s the backlash. We’ve all heard it. “The Me Too Movement is a witch hunt.” Right? “Me Too is dismantling due process.” Or, “Me Too has created a gender war.” The media has been consistent with headline after headline that frames this movement in ways that make it difficult to move our work forward, and right-wing pundits and other critics have these talking points that shift the focus away from survivors. So suddenly, a movement that was started to support all survivors of sexual violence is being talked about like it’s a vindictive plot against men. And I’m like, “Huh?”


How did we get here?

We have moved so far away from the origins of this movement that started a decade ago, or even the intentions of the hashtag that started just a year ago, that sometimes, the Me Too movement that I hear some people talk about is unrecognizable to me.

But be clear: This is a movement about the one-in-four girls and the one-in-six boys who are sexually assaulted every year and carry those wounds into adulthood. It’s about the 84 percent of trans women who will be sexually assaulted this year and the indigenous women who are three-and-a-half times more likely to be sexually assaulted than any other group. Or people with disabilities, who are seven times more likely to be sexually abused. It’s about the 60 percent of black girls like me who will be experiencing sexual violence before they turn 18, and the thousands and thousands of low-wage workers who are being sexually harassed right now on jobs that they can’t afford to quit.

This is a movement about the far-reaching power of empathy. And so it’s about the millions and millions of people who, one year ago, raised their hands to say, “Me too,” and their hands are still raised while the media that they consume erases them and politicians who they elected to represent them pivot away from solutions. It’s understandable that the push-pull of this unique, historical moment feels like an emotional roller-coaster that has rendered many of us numb. This accumulation of feelings that so many of us are experiencing together, across the globe, is collective trauma.

But … it is also the first step towards actively building a world that we want right now. What we do with this thing that we’re all holding is the evidence that this is bigger than a moment. It’s the confirmation that we are in a movement. And the most powerful movements have always been built around what’s possible,not just claiming what is right now.

Trauma halts possibility. Movement activates it.

Dr. King famously quoted Theodore Parker saying, “The arc of the moral universe is long, and it bends toward justice.” We’ve all heard this quote. But somebody has to bend it. The possibility that we create in this movement and others is the weight leaning that arc in the right direction. Movements create possibility, and they are built on vision.

My vision for the Me Too Movement is a part of a collective vision to see a world free of sexual violence,and I believe we can build that world. Full stop. But in order to get there, we have to dramatically shift a culture that propagates the idea that vulnerability is synonymous with permission and that bodily autonomy is not a basic human right. In other words, we have to dismantle the building blocks of sexual violence: power and privilege. So much of what we hear about the Me Too Movement is about individual bad actors or depraved, isolated behavior, and it fails to recognize that anybody in a position of power comes with privilege, and it renders those without that power more vulnerable. Teachers and students, coaches and athletes, law enforcement and citizen, parent and child: these are all relationships that can have an incredible imbalance of power. But we reshape that imbalance by speaking out against it in unisonand by creating spaces to speak truth to power. We have to reeducate ourselves and our children to understand that power and privilege doesn’t always have to destroy and take — it can be used to serve and build. And we have to reeducate ourselves to understand that, unequivocally, every human being has the right to walk through this life with their full humanity intact.

Part of the work of the Me Too Movement is about the restoration of that humanity for survivors, because the violence doesn’t end with the act. The violence is also the trauma that we hold after the act. Remember, trauma halts possibility. It serves to impede, stagnate, confuse and kill. So our work rethinks how we deal with trauma.

For instance, we don’t believe that survivors should tell the details of their stories all the time. We shouldn’t have to perform our pain over and over again for the sake of your awareness. We also try to teach survivors to not lean into their trauma, but to lean into the joy that they curate in their lives instead.And if you don’t find it, create it and lean into that. But when your life has been touched by trauma,sometimes trying to find joy feels like an insurmountable task. Now imagine trying to complete that taskwhile world leaders are discrediting your memories or the news media keeps erasing your experience, or people continuously reduce you to your pain. Movement activates possibility.

There’s folklore in my family, like most black folks, about my great-great-grandaddy, Lawrence Ware. He was born enslaved, his parents were enslaved, and he had no reason to believe that a black man in America wouldn’t die a slave. And yet, legend has it that when he was freed by his enslavers, he walked from Georgia to South Carolina so that he could find the wife and child that he was separated from. And every time I hear this story, I think to myself, “How could he do this? Wasn’t he afraid that he would be captured and killed by white vigilantes, or he would get there and they would be gone?” And so I asked my grandmother once why she thought that he took this journey up, and she said, “I guess he had to believe it was possible.”

I have been propelled by possibility for most of my life. I am here because somebody, starting with my ancestors, believed I was possible.

In 2006, 12 years ago, I laid across a mattress on my floor in my one-bedroom apartment, frustrated with all the sexual violence that I saw in my community. I pulled out a piece of paper, and I wrote “Me Too” on the top of it, and I proceeded to write out an action plan for building a movement based on empathy between survivors that would help us feel like we can heal, that we weren’t the sum total of the things that happened to us. Possibility is a gift, y’all. It births new worlds, and it births visions.

I know some of y’all are tired, because I’m tired. I’m exhausted, and I’m numb. Those who came before us didn’t win every fight, but they didn’t let it kill their vision. It fueled it. So I can’t stop, and I’m asking you not to stop either.

We owe future generations a world free of sexual violence. I believe we can build that world. Do you?

Thank you.


Lido Pimienta is a (Girl Power Academy) Artist, Director, Musician recommendation:

The following Lido Pimienta Biography was sourced from: https://www.paperandironbooking.com/roster/lido-pimienta/

Lido Pimienta on Discograph

Lido Pimienta is a Toronto-based, Colombian-born interdisciplinary musician and artist-curator. She has performed, exhibited, and curated around the world since 2002, exploring the politics of gender, race, motherhood, identity and the construct of the Canadian landscape in the Latin American diaspora and vernacular.

Building momentum on a busy year that has included collaborating and performing with A Tribe Called Red, touring with Austra, publishing a graphic novel, creating visual artworks and contributing to art talks and exhibitions. The summer ahead includes festival appearances at Luminato, Pride Toronto, Sappyfest, Up Here, and Venus Festival; in November, she heads to Iceland Airwaves in Reykjavik.

Lido’s  LP La Papessa (2016), charts an evolution from her debut LP Color (2010), an album full of (as the title suggests) colorful landscapes and positive vibrations. La Papessa, which was recently longlisted for the 2017 Polaris Music Prize, takes a more personal approach, describing the narrative of how Lido has found her independence as a woman and as an artist who refuses to fit pre-conceived notions of what a pop Latina artist ought to be.

The album was written in multiple cultural and geographic settings – the desert of Indigenous Wayuu land and the northern mountains in Colombia, as well as in Canada, in both London and Toronto, Ontario – and the music, in turn, reflects these settings. The sounds on La Papessa take listeners on a musical journey from traditional Afro-Colombian percussion to global bass and darker avant-garde electronic sounds. Lido’s piercing, explosive and heartwarming voice unites the compositions, beats and harmonies, resulting in a perfect labour of love and sound that highlights the creative voice of this talented artist.

Lido Pimienta (image provided by Paper and Iron Booking Co.)

The Lido Pimienta “La Capacidad” (Music Video) is being posted here for NO COMMERCIAL PURPOSE.

Written by: Lido Pimienta
Lyrics in Spanish and English Tu, tu tienes la capacidad//You, you are able
tu, de hacerme reír de hacerme llorar de felicidad// to make me laugh, to make me cry of happiness
Y yo, ahora estoy aqui//And I am here
Y tu, eres todo y mas//And you are everything, and more
Y yo, soy feliz aqui // I am happy here
Pues tu// Because you
Supiste esperar//Knew how to wait
Tu, tu tienes la capacidad//You are able…
Tu, puedes transcribir, puedes descifrar, sabes que soy mas//You can transcribe and decipher, you know i am worth so much more
Pues yo, aunque estes aqui// Because I know, that even with you here
tengo, tengo identidad, personalidad// I still have my identity, my personality.
Y yo, sabes que por ti// You know for you
todo lo daria// I would give anything
pero, primero estoy yo// But I come first
mi realización – mi felicidad// My happiness, and life goals
Tu, tu eres el hombre y yo soy la mujer // Oh yeah you, you are the man, and I am just the woman….
pero eso no quiere decir, que mi vida sucede por ti, sucede para ti // but that does not mean, that my life is not whole without you.
Yo no nací, para cocinarte // I was not born to cook for you
Yo no nací, para hijos darte // I was not born to be the mother of your children
Yo no nací, para encajar en una novela hetero-normal // I was not born, to fit in a hetero-normative soap opera
Yo no nací para retrasar el feminismo mundial// I was not born to set back worldwide feminism.
(Spoken word part…)
Acapella Ending:
Oh ooh ooh ooh oh oooh oooh ooh oooh oooh oooh ooh…
Oh you’re the man
and I’m the woman
I’m just the stupid woman
and you’re the man
oh such a strong man 
and I’m just a woman
in need of a woman
Indigenous woman
A latinix woman
I am a black woman…
and if I’m scared of you
well I’m just so scared of YOU man
‘cuz I’m just a stupid woman
and if I go missing
I’ll disappear
in your hands
I’m scared… of you man
I’m scared of you man
‘cuz I’m just a stupid woman.


from La Papessa, released October 28, 2016
La Capacidad
Written by Lido Pimienta
Produced by
Blake Blakely twitter.com/blakelyverse
Kvesche Bijons-Ebacher twitter.com/PhilAllister
Lido Pimienta soundcloud.com/lido-pimienta 
Percussion (Tambora, Maraca Colombiana)
Brandon Valdivia www.instagram.com/masallamasaya/Backing vocals by
Las Acevedo www.instagram.com/mulaband/
Diana Pereira www.instagram.com/dianapereira_/Mixed by Tandra Jhahgroo www.allmusic.com/artist/tandra-lytes-jhagroo-mn0002405006Mastered by Brandon Hocura at Polyphasic Studios polyphasicstudios.com

Lido Pimienta‘s La Papessa (album cover)

La Papessa Album Cover Art

Cover Photo by Ruthie Titus www.instagram.com/ruthtitus/
Background art by Alicia Nauta alicianauta.com
Make-up by Joseph Hinds www.instagram.com/josephhinds/
Drawing on photo by Lido Pimienta

La Papessa by Lido Pimienta was generously supported by Ontario Arts Council

all rights reserved

The A Tribe Called Red “The Light II.” featuring Lido Pimienta (Music Video) is being featured here for NO COMMERCIAL PURPOSE.

Juno Award winning group A Tribe Called Red released their video, For You with Polaris Music Prize winner Lido Pimienta on their collaboration off of, “We Are The Halluci Nation”.

“We acknowledge the financial support of FACTOR and Canada’s private radio broadcasters. Location: Santiago, Chile – 2017 Original Idea: Lido Pimienta Director: Lido Pimienta – Paz Ramirez Producer: Trevor Blumas Production Co.: PORCH / Patria ( Chile) Edited By: Andres Landau Post-Production: VICTORY SOCIAL CLUB CREW Line Producers: Paula Guiaquinta – Rodrigo Quintanilla ( PATRIA) Produccion Assistant: Camila Lescovich Director of Photography: Marcelo Liberona B Camera Director: Sebastian Sabelle Art Director: Alejandra Ortiz Wardrobe: Francisca Torres MakeUp & Hair: Roma Manfredini MakeUp & Hair Assitant: Camera Assistant: Cesar Urra Mejias Data Manager- Drone Operator: Fabiola Matamala Locacionist: Eder Hepp Gaffer: Jose Ocare Sound: Gonzalo Zamora Runner: Jorge Bueno Talent: Celine Raymond, Iara Espinoza, Consuelo Achurra, Soledad del Rio, Daniela Sepulveda, Camila Gonzalez, Sergio Soto, Tarix Sepulveda, Gabriela Claveria, Katalina Sanchez, Amanda Rozzi, America Navarro, Federica Larrain, Malu Sierra Grafitti Artists: Fiya Bruxa, Nacho Nass, Marcia Sol, Skaters: Carmen Benito, Lucrecia Andrades, Ricardo Vargas,Antonio Espinosa, Swami Fabregas Dancers:Monserrat Guevara, Camila Guerrero, Fernanda Lagno, Rodolfo Robles, Jean Paul Bayer, Nicole Ojeda, Isidora Arrve, Special Thanks to: Benjamin Ramirez, Ximena Sanches , Sofia Camus

Website for A Tribe Called Red:  http://atribecalledred.com/

Lido Pimienta in studio

And make sure to check out Lido Pimienta’s WONDER FULL visual art:


A Tribe Called Red is a (Girl Power Academy) Thanks Giving Music Recommendation:

A Tribe Called Red (photograph by June Reedy) At Lincoln Hall in Chicago (image rights belong to the Grateful Web.com)

A Tribe Called Red said, On this fourth Thursday of November, you might ask yourself: do Indians celebrate Thanksgiving? Well… Thanksgiving is a complicated holiday for Native people. In a way, each day is a day of thanksgiving to the Creator for the original people of Turtle Island. This doesn’t mean that we don’t enjoy turkey, pie and family as much as the next person, but at the same time the Thanksgiving myth largely shared in mainstream culture perpetuates a one sided view of a complicated history surrounding this holiday.”

Here’s an informed indigenous view on Thanksgiving from the National Museum of the American Indian:

https://blog.nmai.si.edu/main: do indians celebrate thanksgiving?

“This doesn’t prevent us from “celebrating” in our own way by giving you a new song called Burn Your Village To The Ground.”

Artwork by: Sovereign State

The A Tribe Called Red “Burn Your Village to the Ground” (music Audio) is being featured here for NO COMMERCIAL PURPOSE.


White Women Voters and the GOP is largely a vote for white supremacy, xenophobia, and misogyny.

Dr. Treva B. Lindsey (professor and author) photo from Left of Black.

The betrayal of white women voters: in pivotal state races, they still backed the GOP

The myth of women voters as a cohesive progressive voting bloc.

Find the original essay by Treva B. Lindsey and read more articles from Vox.com  by visiting:

a Vox “First Person Essay” by Treva B. Lindsey titled: The Betrayal of White Women Voters

The midterm election confirmed once again that black women show up for progressive candidates. But white women? Not so much. As a black feminist historian, I’m not surprised, but I am always disappointed by the ways white women vote.

As exit polls roll in from some of the high-profile races of 2018, it appears that black women voted overwhelmingly — specifically, 92 percent nationwide — for progressive candidates. In three key races where Democrats challenged conservative incumbents, such as Florida’s Andrew Gillum, Texas’s Beto O’Rourke, and Georgia’s Stacey Abrams, black women turned out in similarly high numbers for these progressive candidates. The election of black women such as Massachusetts’s first black woman Congress member, Ayanna Pressley, Lucy McBath in Georgia’s Sixth Congressional District, and Connecticut’s first black woman Congress member, Jahana Hayes, were also important outcomes carried by black women. In all the races in which exit poll data exist, black men were not too far behind in turning out for progressive candidates.

But nationally, white women were a much more divided group. Forty-nine percent of white women voted Republican nationwide (49 percent voted Democratic too). Forty-seven percent of white women voted for Gillum, while O’Rourke only received 39 percent and Abrams 25 percent of the white female vote. This early exit poll data follows a disturbing recent political trend: The majority of white women have not been part of a Democratic voting bloc throughout the 2000s.

While many white women and the majority of voters of color tend to vote more progressively, disaggregating these polls by race and gender reveals some hard truths about the potential for building a progressive coalition. White women and even Latinx voters of all genders continue to lag behind black voters — in particular black female voters — when it comes to showing up for Democrats.

One of most repeated statistics from the 2016 election is that more than half of white women voted for Donald Trump. Despite recent polls suggesting the percentage might be slightly less, the headlines for the 2018 midterms could and should be similarly scathing in its critique of white female voters.

And, to be frank, a vote for a large percentage of GOP candidates at this point in our nation’s history is largely a vote for white supremacy, xenophobia, and misogyny. The Republican Party has not distanced itself from the rise of contemporary white nationalism — Florida GOP gubernatorial candidate Ron DeSantis spoke at a Muslim-bashing event alongside white nationalists Milo Yiannopoulos and Steve Bannon. Texas Senate candidate Ted Cruz refused to denounce the racist comments of Republican Rep. Steve King.

Beyond embracing bigoted rhetoric, today’s GOP has refused to acknowledge the pervasiveness of racist policing, pushed for restrictive immigration, and confirmed an alleged sexual predator to the Supreme Court. In spite of this, white female voters show up by the millions for the GOP.

It’s been said many times that we shouldtrust black women.” Those platitudes expressed by nonblack women through GIFs, memes, and cute T-shirts mean very little if black women cannot count on nonblack women to faithfully show up for the best interests of those affected by white supremacy, poverty, sexism, ableism, xenophobia, transphobia, or homophobia. So where do we go from here?

White women have a history of voting for conservative candidates in aggregate

Among women voters, white women voters continue to be the weakest link. They are also among the most visible in public discussions about the need for change. While white men remain the strongest opposition to electoral politics skewing left, white women heading to the polls continue to choose to uphold white supremacy and patriarchy. In the 2004, 2008, and 2012 presidential elections, the majority of white women voted for the GOP candidate. The numbers don’t lie.

The historical record bears a brutal truth: White women have always been active participants in sustaining white supremacy in America. Elizabeth Gillespie McRae’s groundbreaking book, Mother of Massive Resistance: White Women and the Politics of White Supremacy, offers a robust history of how white women reinforce white supremacy. White women educators censored textbooks and downplayed the role of slavery in the Civil War as a way to infuse the public education curriculum with white supremacist politics. White women were also an integral part of the Ku Klux Klan. White mothers virulently and violently protested the integration of schools. This abundance of evidence contextualizes what happened in this most recent election — it’s tradition.

Calling out white women’s continued support of conservative politicians isn’t excusing or ignoring white men’s commitment to electing these candidates. It’s an assertion of a profound and perpetual sense of betrayal. Far too many white women are willing to throw women of color under the bus — and, indeed, vote against their own best interests — in favor of white supremacy and, often, misogyny.

Latinx voters are also more conservative

Digging deeper, we also need to ask difficult questions about the growing Latinx voting demographic. In all but a few races such as the New York gubernatorial race in which 93 percent of Latina women voted for the Democratic candidate, Andrew Cuomo, both Latinx men and women fell below 70 percent in their support of more progressive candidates. For example, in the Florida gubernatorial race, only 49 percent of Latino men voted for Gillum and only 58 percent of Latina women voted for him. In the Texas Senate race, only 66 percent of Latina women voted for O’Rourke and only 62 percent of Latino men voted for him.

Exit polls don’t account for racial differences among Latinx voters. Nevertheless, it is unnerving that such a significant percentage of Latinx voters could vote for candidates who aligned with a president hell-bent on rhetoric and policies that criminalize and demonize people from Mexico, Central America, and the Spanish-speaking Caribbean. Because Latinx voters are composed of different nationalities and races, many may distance themselves from the Latinx people they see the Trump administration targeting.

Sociologist Helen Marrow refers to some anti-immigrant sentiments among Latinx voters as “racialized nativism,” whereby Latinx citizens and permanent residents feel they suffer a loss of economic opportunities as a result of undocumented Latinx immigrants. Additionally, religion plays a significant role in shaping a conservative segment of the Latinx electorate, including those opposing birth control, abortion, marriage equality, and the rights of trans people. This social conservatism has and does lead millions of Latinx voters to support conservative candidates, in spite of explicit racism and xenophobia.

Latinx voters are not yet a fully reliable progressive voting demographic. This is and will be a formidable challenge for organizing around progressive candidates — but perhaps not as insurmountable as galvanizing white women to repudiate white supremacy and sexism with their votes.

The exit polls from the 2018 midterms don’t give us the whole story. But the snapshot they provide does tell us that black women continue to lead the charge for progressive electoral politics. Despite voter suppression and disenfranchisement and gerrymandering, which are significant barriers for black voter participation, black women flip districts and make formerly “unwinnable” races highly competitive. If you’re not voting like a black woman, you are probably on the wrong side of history.

At this juncture, the building of a broad coalition of voters requires intentional work from progressive white female and Latinx voters, which includes voter education and organizing with these voting blocs in the years between and leading up to elections. Women as a cohesive progressive voting bloc may never be a reality, but progressive white female voters must continue to work in their communities to move more white women to the left.

Treva B. Lindsey is a professor at Ohio State University. Find her on Twitter@divafeminist.

Natalia Lafourcade is a (Girl Power Academy) Music recommendation:

photo of Natalia Lafourcade (singer/ musician/ humanitarian)

The following Bio excerpts were sourced from Natlia Lafourcade’s website, to read more and to support the artist please visit: https://www.lafourcade.com.mx/en/bio/

Natalia Lafourcade is an innovative singer-songwriter from Mexico whose work has received a GRAMMY and ten LATIN GRAMMYs. Her music is rooted in Latin America, yet also incorporates elements of rock, jazz, pop, bossa nova and folk, drawing a major following in the Americas and beyond.

Humanitarian commitment:
Natalia is an ambassador for her country’s culture and a defender of humanitarian causes. She has performed in many benefit concerts in Mexico, Guatemala, the U.S. and other parts of the world. She wrote the theme song “Un derecho de nacimiento (A Birthright)” to help the political youth movement YoSoy132 and the music for the cultural project “Yo descubrí Yucatán (I discovered Yucatan).” She has supported various causes such as Un techo para mi país (A roof for my country), El Caracol Foundation, the Camino Seguro Foundation, and the Ponte Oreja project of the MVS Foundation. She supports the UN Refugee Agency and is a spokesperson for Save the Children. She is currently raising awareness and funds for the reconstruction of the Center of Son Jarocho, (traditional folk music) in Jáltipan, Veracruz, which was significantly affected by the earthquake of September 2017.

Learn more about YoSoy132,the feminist, anti-rasict, solidarity youth movement of Mexico by visiting:  https://solidarity-us.org/yosoy132/

The Natalia Lafourcade “Alma Mia” (music video) featuring Los Macarinos is being featured here for NO COMMERCIAL PURPOSES.

Natalia Lafourcade “Alma Mia” Lyrics:

Alma mía sola, siempre sola,
Sin que nadie comprenda tu sufrimiento,
Tu horrible padecer;
Fingiendo una existencia siempre llena
De dicha y de placer,
De dicha y de placer…

Si yo encontrara un alma como la mía,
Cuantas cosas secretas le contaría,
Un alma que al mirarme sin decir nada
Me lo dijese todo con su mirada.

Un alma que embriagase con suave aliento,
Que al besarme sintiera lo que yo siento,
Y a veces me pregunto que pasaría
Si yo encontrara un alma como la mía.

Un alma que al mirarme, sin decir nada
Me lo dijese todo con la mirada

Un alma que embriagase con suave aliento
Que al besarme sintiera lo que yo siento
Y a veces me pregunto qué pasaría
Si yo encontrara un alma

Si yo encontrara un alma como la mía oh oh

Autor: María Grever
Editora: EMMI
Dirección/Realización: Cheche Alara / Gustavo Guerrero

(A soul like mine) Lyrics English translation:
Oh soul of mine, alone
Always alone
Without anyone to understand your sufering
Your horrible aching
Faking an existance
Of constant joy and pleasure
If I found
a soul like mine
Oh how many secret things would i tell it
A soul that by just looking at me, without saying a word
Would tell me everything with just one look
A soul that could intoxiate with a soft breath
That with a kiss could feel what I feel
And sometimes I wonder what would happen
If I found
A soul like mine
A soul that by just looking at me, without saying a word
Would tell me everything with just one look
A soul that could intoxiate with a soft breath
That with a kiss could feel what I feel
And sometimes I wonder what would happen
If I found
A soul like mine